The Revolution Question: Feminisms in El Salvador, Chile, by Julie D. Shayne

By Julie D. Shayne

"Theoretically subtle and empirically wealthy, Julie Shayne’s examine elucidates the gender dynamics of revolution—with implications past her Latin American cases—while additionally bringing to existence the reports of a few outstanding progressive feminists."—Valentine M. Moghadam, director of women’s experiences and professor of sociology, Illinois nation collage and leader, gender part, social and human sciences, UNESCO"The Revolution query bargains a invaluable and compelling exam of the the most important query of why feminism issues to social switch. till all of us settle for this primary fact, there'll be no hazard for genuine social change."—Margaret Randall, writer while i glance Into the reflect and spot You: girls, Terror & Resistance"Julie Shayne has produced a well-written and considerate account of the significance of ladies to the good fortune of progressive routine and the (largely inadvertent) function of the progressive management in growing the stipulations for the increase of feminist pursuits. students and scholars will locate her broad interviews to be important and thought-provoking, making this a superb source for the classroom."—Karen Kampwirth, affiliate professor of political technological know-how and chair of the Latin American reports application, Knox CollegeWhat do ladies do for revolutions? And what do revolutions do for girls? Julie Shayne explores the jobs of girls in progressive struggles and the connection of those pursuits to the emergence of feminism. Focusing upon the 3 very various instances of El Salvador, Chile, and Cuba, Shayne files the jobs of ladies in armed and unarmed political actions. She argues that ladies give a contribution to and perform progressive events in methods particularly targeted from males. even though their political contributions are typically visible as less significant than these in their male comrades, the jobs that ladies play are literally really major to the growth of innovative pursuits. Shayne additionally explains how, given the convergence of political and ideological components, feminism is frequently born within the wake of innovative hobbies. for that reason, innovative feminism is a fight that addresses higher constructions of political and fiscal inequalities. according to vast in-depth interviews with activists in all 3 international locations, The Revolution query bargains new perception into the advanced gender relatives underlying progressive social pursuits and permits us to re-assess either the ways in which girls impact political fight and the ways that political fight impacts ladies.

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As Mirtala notes above, the men tended to be fighting in the war. Despite the preponderance of women in each of these organizations they should not be considered women’s organizations, and certainly not feminist in nature, but rather organizations in the popular movement largely comprised of women. The result in all three cases, whether gender existed explicitly as in the CO-MADRES or implicitly as in CRIPDES/CNR and ANDES, the organizations played a special role within the popular movement. Despite the fact that members of neither ANDES nor the CO-MADRES marched through the city streets with weapons, nor did the members of CRIPDES/CNR trek through the countryside in guerrilla fatigues, their actions were very significant to the revolutionary project.

Just as in El Salvador and Chile, in Cuba I interviewed women in relatively high positions in the revolutionary movement and those with varied relationships to women-focused projects. All together I was able to interview nineteen women that were participants in the anti-Batista movement, members of the FMC, professors and researchers of gender studies, filmmakers, and women from a now defunct feminist organization. Through my questions I attempted to understand the roles of women in the insurrection, their beliefs about feminism, how gender and gendered roles had changed through the revolution, and how women felt about their positions in postinsurrection Cuba.

At the municipal level, the FMLN now governs 60 percent of the country, including the capital city and largest municipality, San Salvador (Stewart 2003). The FMLN has lost all bids at the presidency since the signing of the peace accords, but is far from abandoning the electoral route. Unfortunately, the ARENA has yet to fully prove that the peace accords were more than a political gesture to alleviate social pressure from the opposition movement. To understand the roles that women and feminism will play in that future we must first look back to their history of resistance within the attempted revolution of the 1980s.

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