By Rhiannon Vickers
This is often the 1st e-book in a two-volume set that appears on the overseas coverage of the Labour celebration during the twentieth century, and into the early years of the recent millennium. those books rectify the shortage of literature on either the political ideology and heritage of Labour's overseas coverage. via an in-depth political background of Labour's overseas coverage within the first half the 20th century this primary quantity produces a brand new theorization of the character of the party's overseas coverage. It demonstrates that from its inception, the Labour celebration has been deeply taken with and attracted to overseas affairs. The e-book additionally indicates essentially that Labour has supplied an enormous contribution to the advance of overseas coverage in Britain.
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Extra info for The Labour Party and the World, vol. 1: The evolution of Labour's foreign policy, 1900-51
47 Robert McKenzie, British Political Parties: The Distribution of Power within the Conservative and Labour Parties (London: Heinemann, 1955), p. 588. , p. 584. 49 See Maurice Duverger, Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State, 1st English language edn (London: Methuen, 1954); Angelo Panebianco, Political Parties: Organization and Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988). 50 Joseph Frankel, British Foreign Policy 1945–1973 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), p.
This has added to the problems of developing a typology of the British Labour Party’s foreign policy, while also explaining in part the depth of the some of the intra-party conflict on international affairs. The first main group and influence within the Labour Party, the trade unionists, tended to have a more materialistic viewpoint than some of their political colleagues in that they were at times more aware of the tensions between aims, such as international working-class solidarity, and the desire to protect British jobs; between anti-militarism and concern to protect the substantial British arms trade.
Many of the people who joined the party had a basic Marxist belief in terms of capitalism being an exploitative class mode of production, but did not necessarily see Marxism as a political ideology that should determine policy. 30 Under the autocratic leadership of Henry Mayers Hyndman, the SDF had a ‘penchant to split on doctrinal grounds’,31 and many prominent figures on the British left tended to have only a short stay in the organisation. 32 The SDF had moved from a position of supporting parliamentary reform at its establishment in 1884, to a semi-revolutionary attitude by 1888, back again to reform by 1890, and then to supporting a form of revolution rather than peaceful change by 1900.