By Alexander Dugin
The entire political platforms of the fashionable age were the goods of 3 designated ideologies: the 1st, and oldest, is liberal democracy; the second one is Marxism; and the 3rd is fascism. The latter have lengthy for the reason that failed and handed out of the pages of background, and the 1st not operates as an ideology, yet relatively as whatever taken without any consideration. the realm this day reveals itself on the point of a post-political fact - one during which the values of liberalism are so deeply embedded that the typical individual isn't really conscious that there's an ideology at paintings round him. accordingly, liberalism is threatening to monopolise political discourse and drown the area in a common sameness, destroying every little thing that makes some of the cultures and peoples unique.
According to Alexander Dugin, what's had to holiday via this morass is a fourth ideology - one who will sift throughout the particles of the 1st 3 to seem for components that may be invaluable, yet that is still leading edge and distinct in itself. Dugin doesn't provide a point-by-point software for this new thought, yet relatively outlines the parameters during which it may well improve and the problems which it needs to handle. Dugin foresees that the Fourth Political idea will use the instruments and ideas of modernity opposed to itself, to result in a go back of cultural variety opposed to commercialisation, in addition to the conventional worldview of the entire peoples of the realm - albeit inside of a wholly new context. Written by way of a student who's actively influencing the course of Russian geopolitical technique this present day, The Fourth Political Theory is an advent to an concept that can good form the process the world's political future.
Alexander Dugin (b. 1962) is without doubt one of the best-known writers and political commentators in post-Soviet Russia. as well as the numerous books he has authored on political, philosophical and non secular themes, he at present serves at the employees of Moscow country college, and is the highbrow chief of the Eurasia move. For greater than a decade, he has additionally been an consultant to Vladimir Putin and others within the Kremlin on geopolitical issues, being a vocal suggest of a go back of Russian strength to the worldwide degree, to behave as a counterweight to American domination.
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There is no way of understanding them except as an inversion of values. That establishes that they are a degenerate case, an exception which proves the rule, rather than an objection to it. They are non-reasons (that is, facts which are of the wrong kind to be reasons) which through some corruption of a psychological process are taken for reasons. As an anomaly we can understand anomic reasons and their allure, to the extent that any incoherent thought can be understood. We know what they are, how to identify them: by inversion of true reasons.
It seems to follow that only what has value or disvalue can constitute a reason. Secondly, he has to provide an alternative explanation of what makes an action an intelligible object of choice. I am facing the proverbial saucer of mud, and proceed to eat it, moving my hands and mouth as I would normally do when eating. Something has gone wrong with me. In the absence of any good-making characteristic which I believe eating the mud possesses I will not be able to understand what I am doing. I will be more horrified at myself behaving in this way than other people will be.
Nor is it either good or bad in itself. Much creativity arises out of contrariness. Knowing of its existence we should have predicted the existence of anomic reasons even before we came across them. The only doubt might have been whether conceptual constraint set a limit to the possibility of contrariness. But we know from other cases that it does not. Contrariness quite often leads to nonsense. Had nonsense been totally beyond comprehension, anomic reasons would have been impossible, there would have been no content to them; but it is not.