By Ronald Hamowy
Ronald Hamowy (Ed.)
As a continuation of the older culture of classical liberalism, libertarian considering attracts on a wealthy physique of proposal and scholarship. modern libertarian students are carrying on with that culture through making mammoth contributions to such fields as philosophy, jurisprudence, economics, evolutionary psychology, political concept, and historical past, in either academia and politics. With greater than three hundred A-to-Z signed entries written by way of best students, The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism is purposed to be an invaluable compilation of and creation to libertarian scholarship. The Encyclopedia starts off with an introductory essay delivering an in depth old and thematic evaluation of key thinkers, occasions, and guides within the improvement of libertarian inspiration. The Reader’s advisor teams content material for researchers and scholars alike, permitting them to examine libertarianism topically, biographically, and by means of public coverage issues.
Entries finish with bibliographies and references for extra analyzing and cross-references to similar entries.
Each access offers an creation to a subject or coverage query proper to libertarianism or a biography of somebody who has had an effect on libertarianism.
Editors take unique care to make sure entries truly clarify libertarian methods to concerns, don't take aspects on disputed concerns or interact in polemics, and symbolize the perspectives of both sides rather and thoroughly.
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Additional info for The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism
Some of the setbacks took the form of apparent victories. The year 1861 saw the final triumph of the movement for Italian unification, the Risorgimento, a long-standing liberal cause, under the leadership of Camillo di Cavour, one of the century’s great liberal statesmen. However, the outcome was not solely the unification of the rapidly developing, liberal, northern half of Italy, as Cavour had intended, but the creation of a state including the backward and reactionary south due to Giuseppe Garibaldi’s conquest of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies.
Rousseauian arguments of popular sovereignty and the general will were not generally used by liberals. Moreover, 19th-century liberals, precisely because they had an elevated vision of politics, argued that certain preconditions must prevail for democracy to function properly: a wide diffusion of property, economic independence, education, independence of mind on the part of voting citizens, and an elevated public culture. Those considerations, rather than disdain for the masses, led them to advocate that the franchise only be gradually extended and that it be linked to economic independence and, frequently, the bearing of arms.
S. Mill. In fact, in much popular and public argument, a second line of descent from Smith was equally important, including such figures as Jean-Baptiste Say. The underlying idea was that the economic life of the community is a dynamic yet self-regulating system that, given the correct framework of laws and then left to itself, will produce wealth and convert the pursuit of individual, self-regarding ends into public benefits. A number of principles for public policy followed, notably a general principle of noninterference by the state in the outcome of private decisions (laissezfaire), the abandonment of protectionism and other restraints on trade, and support for free trade, low taxation, and government frugality, hard money, and freedom of contract.