Starve and Immolate: The Politics of Human Weapons (New by Banu Bargu

By Banu Bargu

Starve and Immolate tells the tale of leftist political prisoners in Turkey who waged a perilous fight opposed to the creation of excessive safety prisons through forging their lives into guns. Weaving jointly modern and important political conception with political ethnography, Banu Bargu analyzes the demise speedy fight as an exemplary even though now not unprecedented example of self-destructive practices which are a outcome of, retort to, and refusal of the more and more biopolitical types of sovereign strength deployed round the globe.

Bargu chronicles the studies, rituals, values, ideals, ideological self-representations, and contentions of the protestors who fought mobile confinement opposed to the history of the background of Turkish democracy and the therapy of dissent in a rustic the place prisons became websites of political disagreement. A serious reaction to Michel Foucault's self-discipline and Punish, Starve and Immolate facilities on new different types of fight that come up from the uneven antagonism among the kingdom and its contestants within the modern legal. Bargu finally positions the weaponization of lifestyles as a bleak, violent, and ambivalent kind of rebel politics that seeks to wrench the ability of existence and demise clear of the trendy kingdom on corporeal grounds and in more and more theologized types. Drawing realization to the existential dedication, sacrificial morality, and militant martyrdom that transforms those struggles right into a complicated amalgam of resistance, Bargu explores the worldwide ramifications of human weapons' practices of resistance, their chances and barriers

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Additional info for Starve and Immolate: The Politics of Human Weapons (New Directions in Critical Theory)

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Individu"~ als could be naturalized and assimilated; Frenchness was in this sense an expansive identity. " The revolution thus established the French attitude toward all immigrant groups. It was of a piece with the early and consistent denial that Normans, Bretons, or Occitaneans constituted a genuine national minority. And it has to be said that French republicans, over the years, were remarkably successful in maintaining the unitary ideal of the revolution. Certainly, the immigrants assimilated more or less willingly and were happy to be able to call themselves French citizens.

The principles of political independence and territorial integrity do not protect barbarism. But no one is obligated to use force; the regime has no agents whose function it is to repress intolerable practices. Even in the face of obvious and extensive brutality, humanitarian intervention is entirely voluntary. The practices of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, to take an easy example, were morally and legally intolerable, and because the Vietnamese decided to invade the country and stop them, they were in fact not tolerated.

And there is another reason why this model doesn't fit-the "Social Charter" to which the members have agreed. " lo These stipulations differ from similar ones in the international bill of rights promulgated by the United Nations: they aren't merely hortatory, but are meant to be enforced, even if the enforcement mechanism is at this moment unclear. In fact, there already exists a European convention on human rights, one that has been judicially enforceable since COMPLICATED C A S E S : 49 the 1960s, and the Community's charter has now been added to that.

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