By Thomas Paine
One in all Paine's maximum and most generally learn works, thought of a vintage assertion of religion in democracy and egalitarianism, defends the early occasions of the French Revolution, helps social safeguard for employees, public employment for these short of paintings, abolition of legislation proscribing wages, and different social reforms.
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Extra info for Rights of Man (Dover Thrift Editions)
Whether they mean strength or weakness, wisdom or folly, a child or a man, or the rider or the horse, is all equivocal. What respect then can be paid to that which describes nothing, and which means nothing? Imagination has given figure and character to centaurs, satyrs, and down to all the fairy tribe; but titles baffle even the powers of fancy, and are a chimerical nondescript. But this is not all. If a whole country is disposed to hold them in contempt, all their value is gone, and none will own them.
It was not "'a corporation of aristocracy, for such I have heard M. de la Fayette describe an English House of Peers. Let us then examine the grounds upon which the French Constitution has resolved against having such a House in France. Because, in the first place, as is already mentioned, aristocracy is kept up by family tyranny and injustice. Secondly. Because there is an unnatural unfitness in an aristocracy to be legislators for a nation. Their ideas of distributive justice are corrupted at the very source.
Let us now apply these principles to governments. In casting our eyes over the world, it is extremely easy to distinguish the governments which have arisen out of society, or out of the social compact, from those which have not; but to place this in a clearer light than what a single glance may afford, it will be proper to take a review of the several 43 sources from which governments have arisen and on which they have been founded. They may be all comprehended under three heads. First, Superstition.