By Melissa Blair
Through her exploration of ways women’s enterprises that weren't explicitly feminist turned channels for feminism, Blair expands our realizing of who feminists have been and what feminist motion appeared like throughout the excessive tide of the women’s circulate. Revolutionizing expectancies looks past feminism’s highbrow leaders and uncovers a multifaceted women’s flow of white, African American, and Hispanic ladies from a number of political backgrounds and a long time who labored jointly to lead to super adjustments of their personal lives and the lives of generations of ladies who them.
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Additional resources for Revolutionizing Expectations: Women's Organizations, Feminism, and American Politics, 1965-1980
Ywca leaders, although more likely to work alongside obt on neighborhood projects, also shied away from linking their group too publicly with Fuller’s. The ywca had always focused its actions at the neighborhood level, creating programs to broaden the horizons of low-income women and girls. The neighborhood focus of the ywca’s work was inherently less public than the League’s method of pressuring elected officials, and ywca members did not push to gain greater recognition for their efforts. There was little coverage of the chapter’s antipoverty work in the Carolina Times, the city’s African American newspaper, and no evidence that this lack of coverage concerned ywca leaders.
In antipoverty work, there was less common ground. Each organization undertook its own projects to address the needs of the poor. The Indianapolis ywca’s relationship with antipoverty work generally— and federally funded War on Poverty projects in particular—was ambivalent, despite the group’s location downtown, close to many impoverished neighborhoods. 97 Unlike in the case of the Durham ywca, the advent of the War on Poverty did little to alter this focus in the Indianapolis ywca’s work with poor people.
150 When a dispute arose between the Denver urban renewal office and the residents of Auraria, the city’s oldest Hispanic neighborhood, which was slated for demolition, League members stepped in to mediate the conflict. In an “Action Briefing” sent to members in the fall of 1971, League leaders reported, “dura [Denver Urban Renewal Authority] survey of Auraria area [shows that number of] residents in need of relocation is 155 families. ”152 The League’s tactics on this issue are a classic example of the group’s work.