Marx After Marx: History and Time in the Expansion of by Harry Harootunian

By Harry Harootunian

Harry Harootunian questions the claims of “Western Marxism" and its presumption of the ultimate crowning glory of capitalism. If this shift in Marxism mirrored the popularity that the predicted revolutions weren't imminent within the years prior to international conflict II, its chilly conflict afterlife helped to either unify the West in its fight with the Soviet Union and bolster the idea that capitalism remained dominant within the contest over development. This booklet deprovincializes Marx and the West's cultural flip by way of returning to the theorist's prior motives of capital's origins and improvement, which a trajectory past Euro-America to Asia, Africa, and Latin the US. Marx's expansive view exhibits how neighborhood situations, time, and tradition intervened to reshape capital's procedure of construction in those areas. His define of a diverse worldwide capitalism used to be even more strong than his cartoon of the English event in Capital and is helping clarify the disparate routes that developed throughout the 20th century. enticing with the texts of Lenin, Luxemburg, Gramsci, and different pivotal theorists, Harootunian strips modern Marxism of its cultural preoccupation through reinstating the deep relevance of background.

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Extra resources for Marx After Marx: History and Time in the Expansion of Capitalism

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I argued that this failure was the product of an increasing mismatch between the federalist framework of formal amendment and the rising national consciousness of the American people. Given this mismatch, it no longer made sense to allow a small minority of the states—which might contain less than 5 percent of the country’s population—to veto new fundamental commitments by sustained national majorities. If popular sovereignty was going to have a future in the twentieth century, Americans would have to develop a credible constitutional vocabulary that allowed We the People of the United States to address, and sometimes resolve, the fundamental questions tossed up by history.

While the movement led by King and Johnson never gained the same overwhelming support, its majorities were far larger and more broadly 18 we t he people: the ci vi l ri g h ts revo lutio n based than anything achieved by the party of Lincoln in the aftermath of the Civil War. Under any realistic approach to popu lar sovereignty, the twentieth-century revolutions represent greater successes than their eighteenth- and nineteenth-century predecessors. The same is true when we judge these revolutions by their ultimate success.

But the center of their attention is elsewhere—work and family, sport and religion, hobbies and vacations. These are the spheres of life that really matter, not politics. Even at its most banal moments, there is another political reality swirling on the periphery. A glance beyond Washington reveals a host of movements calling on Americans to put aside their petty concerns and confront fundamental problems looming on the horizon. But few are listening, and even fewer are devoting significant chunks of their lives to the cause.

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