By Koen De Feyter
Koen De Feyter, who has chaired Amnesty International's operating team on financial, social and cultural rights, exhibits the numerous ways that rampant marketplace economics in latest international ends up in violations of human rights. He questions how some distance the present-day overseas human rights procedure relatively presents potent defense opposed to the adversarial results of globalization. This obtainable and thought-provoking e-book exhibits either human rights activists and members within the anti-globalization circulation that there's a huge, yet hitherto untapped, overlap of their agendas, and actual strength for a strategic alliance among them in joint campaigns round concerns they proportion.
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Extra resources for Human Rights: Social Justice in the Age of the Market (Global Issues Series)
They subscribe to the validity of the human rights discourse, but reject the imposition of a purely Western interpretation of human rights and insist on equality in the taking into account of multiple Western and nonWestern experiences in the formulation of the normative content of genuinely universal human rights. In Mutua’s words: The only hope for those who care about the adherence by all communities to human rights is the painstaking study of each culture to identify norms and ideals that are in consonance with 44 universal standards.
Legal arguments were found to support the split. Civil and political rights were justiciable because they entailed immediate, negative obligations with little resource implications. Economic, social and cultural rights were policy prescriptions only, because they represented long-term aspirations and were heavily dependent on the availability of resources. The decision to separate the two sets of rights held the international human rights effort in a deadlock for decades. No progress was achieved for the duration of the Cold War.
As explained above, the policies of economically dominant states are not simply pro economic globalization. Security concerns and the interests of speciﬁc domestic markets also inform them. As a result, the global economy, as it operates in practice, reﬂects the interests of the dominant economic powers. Developing states, on the other hand, have less capacity to protect the national interest in a context of globalization than the more powerful states. For the developing states, opening up also implies opening up to decisions taken in the capitals of developed countries, not because of some concern for international solidarity, but in defence of the local economy.