By Charles Tilly, Marco Giugni, Doug Mcadam
Marco Giugni, Doug McAdam and Charles Tilly have prepare a subversive
reader. each person who has labored on social events is familiar with how
important it really is to aim to appreciate their results. virtually every person admits
the severe trouble of doing so. a few of us make halfhearted attempts
anyway; others retreat to the tried-and-true terrain of learning movement
origins; a number of take shelter in phenomenology.
Giugni, McAdam and Tilly are braver souls. After compulsory curtsies
in the course of warning, they and their collaborators strike out boldly to
detect, discriminate between, and outline the results of social movements.
As if this weren't subversive adequate, they and their participants refuse
to restrict themselves to the main direct, temporary results of movements—
national, institution-based coverage results. even though specialists like Paul
Burstein and Dieter Rucht give a contribution to the e-book lucid remedies of direct
policy results, even their contributions are unconventional: Burstein questions
the uniqueness of social pursuits altogether, and Rucht elaborates
a advanced version of movements' environmental impact—both through
policy and past it.
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Extra info for How Social Movements Matter
These two questions have often been framed in terms of the institutional impact of movements and in terms of the contributions of movements to democracy. , Tarrow 1998). Generally speaking, we may draw a parallel between policy outcomes and short-term effects, on the one hand, and between institutional outcomes and long-term effects, on the other hand. After all, institutions change more slowly than policies. Therefore, if we want to inquire into the consequences of movements in the long run, we need to study how they can alter political institutions as well as those durable aspects of social organization that we may call social institutions.
Skocpol et al. suggest that public opinion might be important—referring to "nationwide groundswells of public opinion" (1993: 691) and women's federations' exercise of a "surprising influence on ... public opinion" (Skocpol 1995: 721)—but never actually examine its impact on legislative action. Skocpol rejects Sparks and Walniuk's assumption that legislators are motivated mainly by electoral concerns, writing that "I do not like to engage in pure theoretical deduction about what 'must have been' in the minds of state legislators when they voted for mothers' pensions" (1995: 728), but she provides no reasons of her own why legislators would do what women's federations wanted.
From this perspective, legislatures may be viewed as devoting much of their effort to acquiring and processing information. Some political scientists argue that legislatures are organized in large measure to gather information about the likely consequences of legislation and the preferences of voters; efficient legislatures will do so as cheaply as possible. Legislators want the information so they can minimize the risk of being blamed at election time for outcomes they did not foresee. According to this view, special interests cannot dominate the legislature, at least not in the long run, because legislators risk defeat if they respond to special interests rather than to the majority (Krehbiel 1991).