Food Fears: From Industrial to Sustainable Food Systems by Alison Blay-Palmer

By Alison Blay-Palmer

With escalating charges of diabetes, melanoma and weight problems, over the top foodstuff miles and the results for international weather swap, farm crises, nutrients lack of confidence and the 'fast nutrition' tradition, the commercial foodstuff approach of the West is more and more perceived as complicated. The actual, social and highbrow distance among shoppers and their meals stems from a nutrients process that privileges volume and potency over caliber, with an underlying assumption that nutrients is a commodity, instead of a resource of nourishment and pleasure.However, within the wake of varied foodstuff scares, there's growing to be momentum from shoppers to alter the meals they devour; which in flip acts as a catalyst for the to conform and for substitute platforms to conform. Drawing on a wealth of empirical study into mainstream and substitute nutrients structures in North the USA, this ebook argues that sustainable, grass roots, neighborhood meals platforms supply a template for significant person activism to be able to lead to switch from the ground up, whereas while growing strain for coverage adjustments in any respect degrees of presidency. This circulation indications a shift clear of industry economic climate rules and displays a wish to embrace social and ecological values because the origin for destiny growth..

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Extra resources for Food Fears: From Industrial to Sustainable Food Systems

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This culminated partly in a change in consumers’ roles beginning in the 21st century as more eaters became active citizens and informed eater (Gabriel and Lang 2006). These changes were precipitated, to an extent, by food scares such as the BSE crisis and the introduction of GE food. Consequently, the UK government’s approach to food safety has become increasingly transparent and participatory as a result of serious public scrutiny and pressure (Whatmore 2002). In the last few years, through the creation of progressive governance models, the UK has separated the public policy realm into more appropriate bodies for the protection, regulation and support for food, health, agriculture and commerce.

Having secured protection at the state level, the dairy lobby pushed the issue into the federal arena. 02 per pound tax. This set a precedent for federal powers whereby the state imposed a tax as a protective measure for a specific industry, not as a revenue generating measure for the larger society (Gifford 1997). Inevitably, the tax led to fraud as oleomargarine manufacturers tried to sell their product as butter to avoid the taxes. This in turn led some jurisdictions to prohibit the use of colour to make oleomargarine less appealing or, as in the case of Vermont, New Hampshire and West Virginia, to add pink colouring to distinguish oleomargarine from ‘natural’ butter (Dupré 1999).

As part of this larger socio-economic transformation, health policy went from a social concern to an individual consumer responsibility, for as Thatcher espoused, society did not exist. Under this new regulatory regime, food became more deeply entrenched as a ‘commodity’ and the human health associated with it, the responsibility of each and every consumer. In the case of heart disease, cancer and obesity (according to WHO heart disease was associated with 30% of annual deaths in 1999 while diet was linked to 30% of cancers, Lang and Heasman 2004), the public was advised about the benefits of low fat, high fibre, soy products, free radicals, Omega 3 and 6 and a wave of other food ‘cures’.

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