Everyday Revolutionaries: Gender, Violence, and by Professor Irina Carlota Silber

By Professor Irina Carlota Silber

Everyday Revolutionaries offers a longitudinal and rigorous research of the legacies of battle in a group racked via political violence. by way of exploring political techniques in a single of El Salvador's former conflict zones-a zone recognized for its peasant innovative participation-Irina Carlota Silber bargains a searing portrait of the entangled aftermaths of war of words and displacement, aftermaths that experience produced endured deception and marginalization.

Silber offers one of many first rubrics for realizing and contextualizing postwar disillusionment, drawing on her ethnographic fieldwork and examine on immigration to the USA by way of former insurgents. With an eye fixed for gendered reviews, she unmasks how group contributors are requested, contradictorily and in numerous contexts, to relinquish their identities as "revolutionaries" and to advance a brand new experience of themselves as effective but marginal postwar electorate through an analogous "participation" that fueled their progressive motion. fantastically written and supplying wealthy tales of desire and depression, Everyday Revolutionaries contributes to special debates in public anthropology and the ethics of engaged learn practices.

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Additional resources for Everyday Revolutionaries: Gender, Violence, and Disillusionment in Postwar El Salvador

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As the director of Chalatenango’s UN-funded PDHS (Programa de Desarrollo Humano Sostenible [Program on Sustainable Human Development]) explained to me, the department was and continues to be “una tierra expulsadora” (a land that expels). By 1961, Chalatenango had the highest rate of internal migration in the nation (Pearce 1986, 49). The 1971 census indicates that 10 percent of farms covered 75 percent of the land. Thus, 90 percent of farms that are smaller than ten hectares each cover only 25 percent of the land (Pearce 1986, 53).

A key finding is that many Chalatecos experience the postwar as full of deceit and disillusionment. They seek to identify what is true (verdad) and what is a lie (mentira) about a postwar world that many interpret as a constant battle against deception (engaño). For a call to “rescue the past” circulates across Chalatenango, in contradistinction to a national rebuilding policy predicated on amnesia. As a result, I am attentive to how the present is shaped by the negotiation of remembering and forgetting both personal and collective trauma, and the ways this continues to socialize and structure life.

I swallowed whole the local (and international) perspectives that blamed rural people for reconstruction problems because of their lack of participation, an unanticipated factor for areas that had experienced more than a decade of organization. With time, I was able to reframe my object of study but was left with troubling aspects of the romance of fieldwork and fieldworker. Particularly in studies of political 28 EVERYDAY REVOLUTIONARIES violence, researchers’ very personal placements deeply inform not only our interpretations but our very object of study.

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