By Charles Pattie, Patrick Seyd, Paul Whiteley
There are expanding issues approximately alterations in society and the economic system that are undermining the effectiveness of democracy and weakening conventional conceptions of citizenship. What does it suggest to be a British citizen within the early a part of the twenty first century? This booklet provides the 1st significant empirical examine of citizenship in Britain, comprising surveys of political participation and voluntary actions, and of the ideals and values which underpin them. in addition to offering new facts, the authors supply a worldly dialogue of the concept that of citizenship, and the implications of a scarcity of civic engagement in a contemporary democracy. It examines why a few everyone is 'good' electorate while others are 'bad' and it explores the results of citizenship for policy-makers and democracy. entire and available, this ebook makes an immense contribution to our figuring out of civic attitudes in Britain this day and should entice scholars, researchers and policy-makers.
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Additional resources for Citizenship in Britain: Values, Participation and Democracy
These are some of the debates arising from transnational citizenship, multiculturalism and feminist perspectives on citizenship. They all face a problem which Marshall’s account also faces, and which potentially undermines their claim to provide valid theoretical explanations of citizenship. The problem is that they see citizenship exclusively as a matter of extending or creating rights. In Marshall’s case it is social rights, and in Kymlica’s it is ethnic minority rights. But as the earlier discussion of the Greek conception of citizenship indicates, rights are only half of the story when it comes to theorising citizenship.
Consequently it is not rational to cooperate. If A knows he is going to interact with B ten times, then he is rational to defect on the tenth or last interaction, since that will produce a higher payoff. But since both players 20 Citizenship in Britain expects soon to depart are less likely to cooperate than permanent communities where everyone expects repeated interactions to take place on a continuing basis. Thus hunter–gatherers are less likely to develop cooperative institutions outside the immediate family or tribe than are farmers.
This means that there is a risk of security being inadequately provided by these individuals because each has an incentive to free-ride on the efforts of others. The problem can of course be solved by establishing a dictatorship which coerces people into providing the public good. But this would not produce citizenship in the sense described above, so we rule this out as a solution to the problem. In this case the task of explaining the emergence of citizenship is the same as the well-known problem of explaining the emergence of cooperation among rational egoists (see Axelrod, 1984, 1997; Taylor, 1987; Knight and Sened, 1995).