Changing Classes: Stratification and Mobility in by Gosta Esping-Andersen

By Gosta Esping-Andersen

This ebook makes an important contribution in the direction of realizing the hot category constructions of post-industrial societies and the altering strategies of social stratification and mobility. Drawing jointly comparative examine at the dynamics of social stratification in a couple of key western societies, the authors increase a framework for the research of post-industrial classification formation. They illustrate the importance of the family members among the welfare country and the loved ones, and the serious interface among gender and sophistication. Case reviews of the us, the united kingdom, Canada, Germany, Norway and Sweden learn the differing program of those principles in person welfare states.

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Additional resources for Changing Classes: Stratification and Mobility in Post-Industrial Societies (SAGE Studies in International Sociology)

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For institutional This SAGE ebook is copyright and is supplied by NetLibrary. Unauthorised distribution forbidden. 36 Changing classes reasons, Britain can be expected to lean towards the North American model. The residual nature of their welfare states and their decentralized industrial relations framework should facilitate the growth of a large low-wage service proletariat. The absence of a comprehensive employment training system may produce a substan­ tial labor force lacking in skills. It follows that a sizable proportion of the active population is likely to be blocked from upward occupational mobility.

2o This is most likely to occur where trade unions are weak or entirely absent, but could also occur within informal and hidden economies. Two, the service proletariat will also grow large with the expansion of social services. Since a large share of family reproductive activities are labor-intensive and unskilled, their export into the welfare state (or private market) implies a growth of unskilled service workers. The Baumol cost-disease problem is averted in this case since these jobs are publicly subsidized.

At the other extreme, both Norway and Sweden feature welfare state and industrial relations institutions that are explicitly designed to influence the employment structure. The social wage guarantee is extraordinarily high, thus reducing the individual's compulsion to accept unattractive jobs; both welfare states feature a strong commitment to collective services, thus directing employment towards welfare state service jobs; both are internationally the epitome of a full employment guarantee . In both cases, we find extraordinarily comprehensive and centralized trade union systems which, for decades, have pursued solidaristic wage bargaining policies aimed at minimizing earnings differentials.

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