By Ilja A. Luciak
"Gender equality and significant democratization are inextricably linked," writes Ilja Luciak. "The democratization of valuable the United States calls for the total incorporation of ladies as citizens, applicants, and place of work holders." In After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, Luciak exhibits how former guerrilla girls in 3 principal American nations made the transition from insurgents to mainstream political avid gamers within the democratization process.
Examining the position of ladies within the a number of levels of progressive and nationwide politics, Luciak starts with girls as individuals and leaders in guerrilla events. girls contributed tremendously to the innovative fight in all 3 nations, yet thereafter many similarities ended. In Guatemala, ideological disputes diminished women's political effectiveness at either the intra-party and nationwide degrees. In Nicaragua, even supposing women's rights turned a secondary factor for the progressive occasion, ladies have been still capable of positioned the difficulty at the nationwide time table. In El Salvador, girls took prime roles within the progressive celebration and have been in a position to include women's rights right into a huge reform schedule. Luciak cautions that whereas energetic measures to boost the political function of girls have reinforced formal gender equality, basically the joint efforts of either sexes may end up in a winning transformation of society in accordance with democratic governance and important gender equality.
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Additional resources for After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala
7 Gender Composition of URNG by Demobilization Category, 1997 Source: URNG, Personal Incorporado, 2–4. Gender Composition of Guerrilla Movements 27 malan guerrilla movement from its Central American counterparts, similarities were evident in other areas. For example, the reasons that women joined the guerrillas and the nature of gender relations during the war are both comparable to the situations in Nicaragua and El Salvador. The reasons female combatants gave most frequently when asked why they joined the URNG had little to do with their gender interests.
6 He saw the primary role of women as being in “communications between different combatant forces,” and other support roles, such as teachers, social workers, and nurses attending to the guerrilla ﬁghters and the population living in the zone of operations. Guevara’s traditional gender views come through when he argues for women to perform the “habitual tasks of peacetime . . ”7 Central American women encountered the same stereotypes when they joined the Central American revolutionary movements in the 1970s.
Thus the male partners waiting in the camps for their loved ones to return from the war represented less than Gender Composition of Guerrilla Movements 23 5 percent of the female partners. This raises the interesting question of whether the majority of female combatants were single, whether their companions were active ﬁghters, or whether they were somewhere else than in the camps. The evidence, however, while difﬁcult to interpret and not conclusive, could also suggest a relatively low female participation rate.